The Democratic Feature within Populism
A buzzword negatively associated with the right, which in truth has a much larger meaning.
Rhys Binet
The Democratic Feature within Populism
A buzzword negatively associated with the right, which in truth has a much larger meaning.
Rhys Binet
AP
Populism, a word that any individual who has remotely been engaged with political works, debates and general discourse has heard of. It's a word commonly used to describe a certain style of politician, being a ‘Populist’ by political commentators. Populist politicians have been linked with those such as former, possibly future, President of the United States Donald Trump, and the United Kingdom’s Member of Parliament for Clacton, Nigel Farage. However, the modern definition of Populism now holds an intrinsic connection with the right of politics. This manipulation of the English language through association isn’t exactly the case, however, having a much different meaning.
Anti-elitism, anti-establishment and general will are by definition what populism stands for, a feature which any of the most pro-democratic individuals in theory should stand for. They voice opinions, frustration and a feeling that they and the people they are meant to represent don’t have any true grasp on day-to-day decisions and governing, no political will. Populists are meant to focus on the people alone, those with employment who are not the highest earners, yet have a far more important role in society.
Through this, these populist politicians will grasp, or cling, to the main issues of left or right-wing ideological thought, hence many on the right assume a strong defence on cultural issues, and those on the left on economic and social justice themes, such as Bernie Sanders. That alone identifies the fact populism doesn’t equate to a right-wing ideological branch of thinking, but a general political movement. This is why equally politicians like Jeremy Corbyn and Nigel Farage have been long-running eurosceptics, believing that the European Union is an example of crony politics, an established elite institution which doesn’t serve politics’ finest motives, lying to the common man.
Yet, populism's catering isn’t healthy politics, at the very least not govern-worthy politics. In itself, it breeds identity politics, ideologically straight black-and-white belief instead of the very beautiful notion of free individual thought which has been brought about from one’s own education and social surroundings. This is presentable as nearly every single left or right wing ‘populist’ politician has policies and views equal to others in their party or wing. For the right, despite their play on cultural issues such as with immigration, they will equally always support free-market, pro-capitalist, economic policies, the same with the left in terms of having a much more modern liberal position on social issues. Because of this, those who vote Conservative and are of the right will be as equally liberal and right-wing on the economy as that of their cultural views, and those of the left will hold economic and social left-wing views. More or less, it is a result of a new phenomenon in the age of peak Hollywood and social media, the cult of the individual. The populist’s appeal is mainly for support. As a result of their relatability, which is a significant virtue in politics, they are supported, glamorised and worshipped in the bleak, drowsy subject that is politics which runs in the background. This therefore explains their vague nature, Politicians like Trump who are described as politicians from the outset hold these strict right or left-wing views, yet in governing their words are not necessarily put into action, or at least it is hard to track the implementation of their views.
With that, it is clear that these populist politicians criticise rather than offer. When they do offer a solution to a problem they have found a lot of media attention due to their complaints and criticism, they offer very little, instead simple and quite unrealistic counters. For such Reform UK simply exclaimed their solution to the ever-growing scale of immigration would be to send them back to France, a solution which I don’t believe kept David Cameron up all night trying to think of in order to not be forced into calling the 2016 referendum, consequently bein jousted from his position. Thus, it is ever so clear that these parties and politicians are not governing material.
This, however, should be to those Liberals, centrists and pro-democracy train of thought a positive instead of an explanation as to why Populism is said bad. Listening to the Rest is Politics podcast, in an interview with the 2010-2015 Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg, a proud Orange handbook liberal, he stated “Populism is not necessarily a bad thing”, remarking Alastair Campbell, Rory Stewart and himself as “centrist dads” who are quick too criticise it. “Populism is a very important antidote to complacency, to elitism, to groupthink; a great shock to shock to the established order” and from Nick Clegg’s words alone the democratic feature for populism is transparent. It makes sure elected servants are held accountable and responsible, making sure they are doing the job they ought to be, even if there is a lack of advice given. In many ways, it prevents an Orwellian political echo chamber. Therefore, if your beliefs hold a great trust in a Liberal Democracy, your tolerance as an individual needs to be present in the face of Populism, even that to the problem itself.
Rhys Binet
Editorial Director
12th September 2024